funeral of a two years old baby in Rafah AP Photo/Hatem Moussa)

So Egypt is calling its ambassador from Israel after the last Israeli “reaction” to the terrorist attack to a car an a bus in South Israel near the border with Egypt that had cost the lives to six civilians and two security forces. The reaction was a retaliation in two directions: five Egyptians security forces are dead and more than 14 Palestinians from Gaza some of them children, at the moment I’m writing this. But this is not the end because from Gaza there are rockets falling in Israeli land and the Israeli army continue bombing Gaza doing considerable more damage. Because there is not proportion between the kind of home-made weapons the Palestinians from Gaza are launching from behind the fence of Gaza and the Israeli army. Everybody knows that.

Now some israeli newspapers are reporting the investigations in process to determine what group may be responsible for the attacks They are talking about a new “umbrella” group named Popular Resistance Committee  that may have some links with Hezbollah or not or with Hamas but is not Hamas, but the retaliation is already done, over for activists and at least ten civilians and children, one of them two or three years old, because their houses in the crowded Gaza were bombed at night and  this is only the beginning Netanyahu said. So, all the people in Gaza is responsible? it seems that’s his theory. A global and deadly punishment as a retaliation for an attack that is under investigation.

But now, the situation is not so easy for Israel in the international path like before. Egypt has called his ambassador back. Israel may find soon a big neighbor with some touristic resorts very handily for their people become in an enemy if don’t handle diplomatically well and soon the problem, and that’s something Mr. Netanyahu is not very good at. And then, at the UN his ambassador failed to reach a condemnation of the terrorist attack because Lebanon wanted to include a condemnation to the bombings over civilians in Gaza. No unanimity in the Security Council, no agreement.

Now, the great idea of Netanyahu is another wall. This one, to cover the whole border between  Israel and Egypt that can be done the next year (so long for the diplomacy and dialog in the region) And then what? Put a cover over the strip and close it like a box with all the people inside?. Total security today is impossible with walls no matter how high and fortified. To have total security Israel has to reach peace, peace is impossible in a ring of violence and retaliation after retaliation, peace is impossible without stopping the weapons and beginning to talk and respecting the dignity and the rights of the people no matter how different they can be. They are there. They will be there. They have to live next to each other. They can’t be in a perpetual war. Until now, this long agony for the Palestinians is a gain in a  policy of land taken for fact unilaterally by the israeli settlers backed now vigorously by the government. But the surroundings are changing and the perception of most of the world about this problem changed long ago.

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  1. […] recalls envoy in Israel over deaths (Reuters)Egypt to Recall Ambassador to Israel Over ShootingsIsrael Retaliations to Egypt and Gaza: it’s not so easy any more // 0) { //0==expires on browser close var cdate = new Date(); […]

  2. And Obama serves Zionists
    U.S. Is Appealing to Palestinians to Stall U.N. Vote

    WASHINGTON — The Obama administration has initiated a last-ditch diplomatic campaign to avert a confrontation this month over a plan by Palestinians to seek recognition as a state at the United Nations, but it may already be too late, according to senior American officials and foreign diplomats.

    The administration has circulated a proposal for renewed peace talks with the Israelis in the hopes of persuading the Palestinian president, Mahmoud Abbas, to abandon the bid for recognition at the annual gathering of world leaders at the United Nations General Assembly beginning Sept. 20.

    The administration has made it clear to Mr. Abbas that it will veto any request presented to the United Nations Security Council to make a Palestinian state a new member outright.

    But the United States does not have enough support to block a vote by the General Assembly to elevate the status of the Palestinians’ nonvoting observer “entity” to that of a nonvoting observer state. The change would pave the way for the Palestinians to join dozens of United Nations bodies and conventions, and it could strengthen their ability to pursue cases against Israel at the International Criminal Court.

    Senior officials said the administration wanted to avoid not only a veto but also the more symbolic and potent General Assembly vote that would leave the United States and only a handful of other nations in the opposition. The officials, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss diplomatic maneuverings, said they feared that in either case a wave of anger could sweep the Palestinian territories and the wider Arab world at a time when the region is already in tumult. President Obama would be put in the position of threatening to veto recognition of the aspirations of most Palestinians or risk alienating Israel and its political supporters in the United States.

    “If you put the alternative out there, then you’ve suddenly just changed the circumstances and changed the dynamic,” a senior administration official involved in the flurry of diplomacy said Thursday. “And that’s what we’re trying very much to do.”

    Efforts to head off the Palestinian diplomatic drive have percolated all summer but have taken on urgency as the vote looms in the coming weeks. “It’s not clear to me how it can be avoided at the moment,” said Ghaith al-Omari, a former Palestinian negotiator who is now executive director of the American Task Force on Palestine in Washington. “An American veto could inflame emotions and bring anti-American sentiment to the forefront across the region.”

    While some officials remain optimistic that a compromise can be found, the administration has simultaneously begun planning to limit the fallout of a statehood vote. A primary focus is to ensure the Israelis and Palestinians continue to cooperate on security matters in the West Bank and along Israel’s borders, administration officials said.

    “We’re still focused on Plan A,” another senior administration official said, referring to the diplomatic efforts by the administration’s new special envoy, David M. Hale, and the president’s Middle East adviser on the National Security Council, Dennis B. Ross. Mr. Hale replaced the more prominent George J. Mitchell Jr., who resigned in May after two years of frustrated efforts to make progress on a peace deal.

    The State Department late last month issued a formal diplomatic message to more than 70 countries urging them to oppose any unilateral moves by the Palestinians at the United Nations. The message, delivered by American ambassadors to their diplomatic counterparts in those countries, argued that a vote would destabilize the region and undermine peace efforts, though those are, at least for now, moribund.

    Two administration officials said that the intent of the message was to narrow the majority the Palestinians are expected to have in the General Assembly. They said that and the new peace proposal — to be issued in a statement by the Quartet, the diplomatic group focused on the Middle East comprising the United States, Russia, the European Union and the United Nations — could persuade potential supporters to step back from a vote on recognition, and thus force Mr. Abbas to have second thoughts.

    “The fact is there are countries who would choose not to do that vote if there was an alternative,” the first senior administration official said.

    In essence, the administration is trying to translate the broad principles Mr. Obama outlined in May into a concrete road map for talks that would succeed where past efforts have failed: satisfy Israel, give the Palestinians an alternative to going to the United Nations and win the endorsement of the Europeans.

    Diplomats are laboring to formulate language that would bridge stubborn differences over how to treat Jewish settlements in the West Bank, and over Israel’s demand for recognition of its status as a Jewish state. A statement by the Quartet would be more than a symbolic gesture. It would outline a series of meetings and actions to resume talks to create a Palestinian state.

    The Quartet’s members are divided over the proposal’s terms and continue to negotiate them among themselves, and with the Palestinians and Israelis.

    Among the issues still on the table are how explicitly to account for the growing settlements in the West Bank. The question of Israel’s status is also opposed by Russia and viewed warily by some European countries. The Palestinians have never acceded to a formal recognition of Israel as a Jewish state, in deference at least in part to the Palestinians who live in Israel.

    The Quartet’s envoy, Tony Blair, the former British prime minister, visited Jerusalem on Tuesday to negotiate the terms of the proposal with the Israelis. He is expected to discuss it with the Palestinians soon.

    The Israelis have so far responded positively to the draft, but the Palestinian position remains unclear.

    Two administration officials said that Mr. Abbas had recently indicated that he would forgo a United Nations vote in favor of real talks. But a senior Palestinian official, Nabil Shaath, angrily dismissed the American proposal as inadequate and said a vote would go ahead regardless.

    “Whoever wrote this thought we are so weak that we cannot even wiggle or that we are stupid,” he said in a telephone interview from Ramallah in the West Bank. He added, “Whatever is to be offered, it is too late.”

    Within the administration, there are different views of the situation’s urgency. Some officials believe that the United States can weather a veto diplomatically, as it has before, and politically at home because of the strong support for Israel in Congress. But others view the Palestinian push for recognition as deeply alarming, raising the specter of new instability and violence in the West Bank and Gaza.

    “The most powerful argument is that this will provoke a Palestinian awakening, that there will be a new violence and that we’ll be blamed,” said Martin S. Indyk, a former American ambassador to Israel.

    Ethan Bronner and Isabel Kershner contributed reporting from Jerusalem, and Neil MacFarquhar from the United Nations.

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About Olga Brajnović

Journalist. In my fifties. I've worked for 26 years in a newspaper in Spain. I worked for two years as a stringer and correspondent in the US, and went as a special envoy to other places like the Balkans. Sea lover. Avid reader. Classic Music enthusiast.


Middle East, World and Politics


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